223-224

*Chapter 223: Deals and Business Wars*

From a bird’s-eye view, the Golden Prospect Golf National Club resembled an exquisite geographic pattern stretched across the land.

The course meandered gracefully, its verdant greens akin to a ribbon of emerald weaving through the terrain of New Jersey.

In the far distance, Manhattan's skyline shimmered in the sunlight, contrasting sharply with the lakes, sand traps, and trees dotting the nearby golf course.

Altogether, it formed a stunning, multi-layered masterpiece of natural beauty.

Thwack!  

Milo swung his club, sending the ball flying.

Unfortunately, he missed the mark.

Handing his club to Frank Cali, who was acting as his temporary caddie, Milo chuckled and said,

"This is why I prefer Los Angeles. At least there, my golf game is a little better."

“You can’t deny, though, that New York has its perks,” chimed in Gimpu with a smile.

Milo's reasoning was laughably flimsy—liking Los Angeles over New York simply because his golf game was better?

“That’s true,” Milo admitted, watching Giuliani approach with a club in hand. “Walking through Manhattan’s streets during a summer drizzle can be quite pleasant.”

“New York’s historical depth can’t be compared to Los Angeles,” Giuliani added with a polite smile. “But I’m not familiar enough with L.A. to make any real judgment. Still, if Mr. Blackburn says so, there must be some truth to it.”

“Hahaha…” Milo burst into laughter, eyeing the Italian-American mayor who had adopted such a deferential attitude.

Then again, strictly speaking, it was Giuliani’s nephew who had behaved arrogantly before.

From what Milo knew, over a year ago, Giuliani had sent that nephew packing back to Italy.

In that sense, the Italian-American mayor had shown commendable prudence.

“My dear Giuliani, since you’ve gone out of your way to meet me and your attitude pleases me, I won’t push too hard.”

“Today is the 22nd,” Milo said, fixing Giuliani with a pointed look. “There are three months left until New York’s voting day this year. If you’re willing to push forward the development of the Hudson Yards construction site, I believe many people would hope to see you remain in City Hall, serving all of New York.”

“The Hudson Yards?” Giuliani was momentarily stunned.

Then, his mind quickly flashed back to an old file buried in the archives of New York’s City Hall.

Hudson Yards, situated on the western edge of Manhattan and adjacent to the Hudson River, boasted an advantageous location with excellent transportation links.

It had once been a vital maritime hub for Manhattan when New York was an industrial powerhouse.

Countless raw materials from around the globe had landed at this port, while innumerable industrial goods made in New York were shipped worldwide.

However, after Manhattan’s industrial sector suffered decades of decline, the port area was transformed in 1987 into what is now the Manhattan West Rail Yard, a relatively inconspicuous subway station.

Despite this, the original docklands were vast, and the rail yard didn’t consume all the available land.

Approximately 10.5 hectares of land remained undeveloped, making it the only large-scale site in Manhattan still available for development.

Since the subway station’s completion, New York City had considered revitalizing Hudson’s old industrial zone.

According to the urban renewal plan, it was envisioned as an extension of Manhattan’s central business district, gradually evolving into New York’s new urban center.

But due to various constraints, this plan had languished in City Hall’s archives for over a decade.

The challenges—funding, construction difficulty, relocation issues, and urban commercial layout—made it nearly impossible to realize.

For this reason, no mayor in the past decade had dared to pursue it.

Even Giuliani hadn’t considered this long-forgotten proposal—until now.

Fortunately, the Italian-American mayor had reviewed this dusty plan once before.

As Milo raised the idea, Giuliani managed to recall the specifics after a moment’s thought.

“Mr. Blackburn, are you suggesting…” Giuliani cautiously inquired.

Milo shrugged.

“I believe in the future of New York and Manhattan. But here, I don’t even own a single modern skyscraper. So, I was thinking of developing a part of New York for myself—a place named after my family or me. Something akin to the Rockefeller Center.”

“Uh…” Giuliani was momentarily taken aback by the audacious and somewhat fanciful plan.

To establish an urban center in Manhattan that bore a personal name—only the Rockefeller Center had achieved such a distinction.

But as Giuliani glanced at the earnest expression on Milo’s face, he began to feel it might not be entirely impossible for this man.

“I understand your concerns, Mr. Giuliani. I’ll ensure Rockefeller and Morgan join this initiative.”

Milo laid out his terms plainly: “What you need to do is secure approval from City Hall and the City Council. At the very least, bring this plan out of the archives and present it to the people of New York.”

Giuliani understood.

Milo wanted him to undertake a thankless and challenging task.

The Hudson Yards industrial zone had remained undeveloped for so many years because of its complexities.

The difficulty of initiating such a project was monumental—relocation alone posed an almost insurmountable challenge in Manhattan, one of the toughest places in the world for such undertakings.

Moreover, developing a new urban center and commercial district could jeopardize Manhattan’s existing business hubs, such as Rockefeller Center.

Would a new urban center siphon off foot traffic and cause rents in older commercial zones to plummet?

If so, it would be tantamount to stealing fortunes—a crime akin to murder in the eyes of American capitalists.

In fact, for many, this would feel worse than losing a loved one.

No matter who spearheaded this initiative, it wouldn’t be easy.

Forget Milo’s three-month deadline—Giuliani doubted it could be done in three years.

Seeing Giuliani’s troubled and hesitant expression, Milo shook his head.

"If it’s too difficult, then there’s no need to trouble you, Mr. Giuliani. I think Ruth W. Messinger would be interested in hearing my proposal."

Ruth W. Messinger was elected last month as this year’s New York City mayoral candidate by the local Democratic Party.

She had become a New York City councilmember twenty years ago and had also served as the Speaker of the New York City Council.

In an alternate timeline, Giuliani faced a tough challenge from Ruth W. Messinger during his reelection campaign.

Honestly, if he could, Milo would rather support Ruth W. Messinger.

He wasn’t very fond of Giuliani.

Unfortunately, Ruth W. Messinger belonged to the Carter faction within the Democratic Party.

This faction had opposed Kennedy back in the day, making them a major political adversary of the Blackburn family.

Even now, this faction didn’t support Joseph as Secretary of Defense.

However, the current ruling faction was the Clinton faction, which inherited part of Kennedy’s legacy and had grown into a significant force over the years.

As a result, that faction couldn’t hinder Blackburn’s development within the Democratic Party.

So if possible, Milo preferred not to support Ruth W. Messinger.

Of course, if Giuliani proved too uncooperative, Milo could always involve Ruth W. Messinger.

Given the prospect of the New York mayoral seat and the backing of Paladin Media, Ruth W. Messinger might be persuaded to switch allegiances—a common occurrence in American politics.

This wasn’t the post-Pandora’s Box America opened by Obama.

Switching between factions within a party—or even between parties—wasn’t a big deal.

The only ones upset by such moves were the grassroots supporters of both parties.

"Tomorrow."

Fortunately, while Milo didn’t particularly like him, Giuliani did possess some of the decisiveness characteristic of Sicilian Italians.

"Tomorrow, I’ll submit a resolution to the City Council to restart the redevelopment of the Hudson Bay docklands,” Giuliani declared. “I’ll prepare a comprehensive memorandum to show all New Yorkers how beneficial this project will be for our city!"

Perhaps he had made up his mind.

Or maybe it was Milo’s mention of involving Morgan and Rockefeller.

Giuliani decided to go all in.

"I can rally at least a third of the council members. Also, I believe the Northern District of New York’s prosecutor’s office will support such a project, which is so beneficial to New York. As for the Southern District, I think Mr. Robert Morgenthau would be willing to meet with you, Mr. Blackburn."

"As for the relocation issues, I don’t think they’ll be too problematic. Most of the property rights in the Hudson docklands are unclear, and many of the buildings there are old and dilapidated. People will likely be glad to move out."

"Excellent!"

Milo put down his golf club and smiled. "New York will undoubtedly have a brighter future with a mayor as ambitious as you. My dear mayor, I believe only someone as courageous as you is fit for this position."

"Whew..."

Hearing Milo’s words, Giuliani exhaled, a pleased smile spreading across his round, plump face.

For Giuliani, Milo Blackburn’s full support didn’t guarantee reelection.

But Milo Blackburn’s full opposition would undoubtedly cost him his hopes of serving another term as mayor.

With control over a large portion of New York’s gray underbelly, Milo could directly influence at least 300,000 votes.

Not to mention his impressive achievements. Though not a New Yorker, his long-standing presence in the city had made many residents see him as a local hero.

If he used his fame and influence to rally voters, at least tens of thousands would follow his lead.

Add in his vast media empire, which significantly swayed public opinion, influencing hundreds of thousands more.

Couple that with the ripple effects of his stance among New York’s upper echelons.

Out of nearly seven million people and 4.5 million votes in New York, Milo Blackburn could directly and indirectly sway around a million of them.

Giuliani had no desire to remain at odds with someone like that.

Winning reelection meant he could push his agenda with less resistance. Losing would make the effort irrelevant.

Having sorted out his thoughts, Giuliani left in high spirits after receiving Milo’s promise.

"I didn’t expect you to forgive him, let alone cooperate and strike a deal with him," said Kemp, the owner of the golf club, after the mayor had left.

"Why not? I enjoy making deals."

Milo turned to Kemp, a faint, enigmatic smile on his face.

"Capital must flow, and transactions are inevitable. But deals aren’t limited to capital or money. It’s a special word. In a sense, it’s the foundation of our nation. Deals can turn death sentences into decades in prison, let drug lords avoid long sentences, allow police to overlook minor crimes by billionaires, help legislators ascend to the presidency, and embolden presidents to defy laws. In my view, anything can be negotiated—as long as the price is right."

Milo’s measured words lingered in the ears of those nearby.

Though blunt, they were true.

Everyone present—whether Kemp or Frank Cali, the caddie—had dabbled in the gray areas of society and dealt with the government.

"Wise words," Kemp said. "No wonder you’re ‘Miracle Blackburn,’ while the rest of us remain small players."

With the key figures gone, Milo had no reason to linger at the golf course.

As for Kemp and Frank Cali, whether they continued playing or returned to New York was their business.

Milo couldn’t care less about the movements of these two underlings from different domains under his command.

Seated in the plush custom chair of a speeding black Cadillac Escalade, Milo gazed out the window.

Milo stretched his tall frame, reclining comfortably as he glanced at the time on his wristwatch.

Reaching out, he picked up a nearby folder, opened it, and began flipping through the documents.

"Hmph!" Milo frowned and snorted coldly, snapping the folder shut with a loud clap before tossing it aside. His eyes glinted with a frosty light.

"That old Bill... He acts so harmless at parties, but in reality, he's more ruthless than Jobs," Milo muttered with a cold smirk.

This was about the ITK chat software.

After nearly a year of redevelopment and repackaging, ITK, the instant messaging software Milo had launched, hit the market around May of this year.

Thanks to its comprehensive features and incredibly smooth performance following core optimizations—combined with Yahoo, the internet giant, leading its promotion—ITK achieved massive success as soon as it launched.

It was even more successful than ICQ in its parallel timeline.

In just one month, it had over eight million downloads; in three months, over twenty million. Now, it was nearing thirty million downloads.

Daily active users exceeded five million, with many treating it as the new go-to online chatroom.

However, Milo's acquisition of ICQ's original company meant that he was dissatisfied with the features of the original ICQ software.

As a result, the release of ITK was relatively slow—it couldn’t claim to be the world's first instant messaging software.

Before ITK's debut, Microsoft, Netscape, and several other startups had already launched their own instant messaging software.

After all, this concept had been proposed as early as three years ago, when the internet first emerged.

ITK's slower release was understandable.

But what infuriated Milo wasn’t that these other messaging platforms launched earlier than ITK.

It was that after ITK's enormous success, these competitors rushed to imitate its features shamelessly.

Although their platforms couldn’t match ITK's smooth performance due to development time constraints, some, particularly Microsoft's MSN, were growing rapidly by copying ITK's features.

Backed by Microsoft’s operating system, MSN’s growth was beginning to encroach on ITK's market.

While smaller companies were somewhat intimidated by Milo's and Yahoo's reputations, Microsoft, as a tech industry giant, wasn’t.

Bill Gates, willing to risk lawsuits, allowed MSN to extensively copy ITK’s features and interface.

This was the source of Milo's anger.

From a business perspective, this was just unfair competition. Milo wasn’t enraged enough to immediately declare war on Gates.

Moreover, Bill Gates wasn’t some small-time player without connections.

His father ran one of the world's largest law firms, and several members of Congress bore the Gates name—a vast, loosely connected, yet influential family.

It was a bit like a weaker version of the Mellons but still far from insignificant.

Gates’s mother, before her passing, had been an independent director at IBM, chairperson of the United Way of America, a board member at the University of Washington, and a director at First Interstate Bank.

His grandfather had been the president of a bank and a leader in the American Bar Association.

This allowed Gates to drop out of Harvard and start his own company without worrying about failure.

Similarly, Warren Buffett’s background was far from humble.

Buffett’s father was a U.S. Congressman from Nebraska, and his mother was equally well-connected. His mentor, Benjamin Graham, was a titan of Wall Street, the father of value investing, and a founding figure of modern securities analysis.

These people were never true grassroots figures.

If they had been, they couldn’t have maintained their positions at the top of the American Dream for so long.

Even Milo, a core member of an elite family, couldn’t simply take them down at will.

They weren’t like David Filo, a purebred Southern redneck, or some Asian or Black people pretending to fit in with white society.

In a parallel timeline, Microsoft would secure its global dominance in operating systems by next year.

But seeing Gates’s tactics now, Milo decided to make things difficult for Microsoft—even though he himself was a Microsoft shareholder and board member.

Apple's macOS series, for instance, was promising. While Apple couldn’t dethrone Microsoft, it could annoy Gates.

Linux, BSD, Solaris, and other operating systems could also be leveraged to frustrate Microsoft.

Even though their market shares were small, they held value in specific niches.

In America, though, the best way to deal with such infringement was through lawsuits.

It didn’t matter if your grandfather led the Bar Association—there were plenty of lawyers across the country eager to take on cases like this.

In such situations, Microsoft clearly didn’t hold the upper hand.

After rounds of legal battles, Microsoft would undoubtedly lose in the end.

With this in mind, Milo solidified his plan—attack on two fronts.

On one hand, he would support Jobs and others, applying indirect pressure on Gates. This would serve as a market "catalyst," improving Microsoft's growth, which, as a shareholder and board member, would benefit Milo.

More importantly, he would assemble a top-tier legal team and directly sue Microsoft.

By the time Milo’s Cadillac Escalade convoy returned to New York City, he had already made several phone calls to initiate his business war with Microsoft.

Feeling the timing was right, Milo decided not to return to Manhattan to handle more work. Instead, he directed the convoy to his new estate in Long Island.

The estate, located in a forested area of Southampton, had recently been purchased for Sophie Marceau and their two young children.

The large iron gates swung open, and numerous black-suited bodyguards lined the driveway as Milo's convoy drove through unobstructed. They pulled up at a fountain plaza in front of a white mansion resembling an ancient Greek temple.

It seemed Sophie Marceau had visitors today.

When Milo arrived, she stood at the main entrance of the estate with two other men, waiting for him.

"Darling—"

As soon as Milo’s car door opened, Sophie came forward.

Milo stepped out, embracing Sophie and gently stroking her beautiful face as he smiled. "Don’t worry. Leave everything to me."

"They just showed up unexpectedly. I didn’t invite them," Sophie said, looking worried.

"I know. I know everything," Milo reassured her with a smile. "And I trust you."

After comforting her, Milo looked up at the two men in suits, who were smiling as they watched him.

They were French visitors.

(End of Chapter)

Chapter 224: Now Able to Influence Major Power Struggles

"You should be heading to 1400 Pentagon Avenue, DC."

In the small meeting room of the manor, Milo glanced at the two impeccably dressed Frenchmen before him and chuckled.

"Not here. I’m not even affiliated with any political party. So, what’s the point of seeking me out?"

His words prompted the two Frenchmen to exchange glances.

The older of the two, whose hair was already half-white, began introducing himself:

"Mr. Blackburn, good day. Let me introduce myself: I’m Gabriel Franz, and this is Adelaide Frederick."

"Let’s get straight to the point," Milo interrupted. "You’re not here to do business with me, so there’s no need for pleasantries and wasting time. Why don’t you tell me directly what you want? Time is valuable for all of us."

Gabriel hesitated for a moment, then smiled. "Alright, I’ll be straightforward."

Though outwardly composed, he couldn’t help but think to himself: These Americans—always so blunt and direct.  

"Here’s the situation: as we understand it, Mr. Blackburn, you own a company called United Global Security. This company has been active in Africa recently, so we were hoping..."

Gabriel spoke slowly, watching Milo’s expression closely. However, Milo’s face remained indifferent.

This made Gabriel quickly realize that the young American aristocrat before him, despite his youth, had incredible composure and depth.

No wonder he’s achieved things at such a young age that most people couldn’t dream of accomplishing.  

"...we were hoping to hire personnel from your security company’s private military contractor (PMC) division to carry out some tasks for us," Gabriel continued.

"Primarily in Africa," Adelaide added quickly from the side.

"Hah—"

Milo finally reacted, smiling faintly at the two Frenchmen.

In truth, Milo had already heard about them from Kenny before returning.

He knew that these two individuals—Adelaide and Gabriel—had approached Sophie first.

Moreover, through his intelligence network, Milo discovered that although these two were officially listed as executives for French companies operating in America, they were, in fact, "white gloves" for the Chirac administration in France.

Their company had deep ties to the French government.

In plain terms, these two were connected to both the current French president, Jacques Chirac, and the French military.

Yet here they were, sitting in front of him, claiming they wanted to hire his security company for operations in Africa.

Milo found it hard to believe this wasn’t directly tied to the French government.

Still, since they were clearly trying to keep up appearances, and France was indeed one of the world’s major powers, Milo decided to be tactful.

After chuckling softly, he replied, "For such matters, you should directly approach United Global Security’s operations department. It’s a legitimate American security company. As long as the terms are right—by which I mean the price is satisfactory—I believe United Global would be willing to accept your assignment. There’s no need to come to me directly, as I won’t be giving you any discounts."

Seeing Milo appear easy to talk to, Gabriel and Adelaide both visibly relaxed.

Their intelligence from the French system had suggested that this young man was somewhat eccentric, to say the least.

Gabriel added, "Of course, we’ve already reached out to them. However, since we were fortunate to learn about your... connection to the Light of France, we thought it would be appropriate to come directly to you for an introduction."

Light of France?  

They must be referring to Sophie.

But it was clearly just an excuse. Even without Sophie, they could’ve found Julie Delpy or some other pretext.

The real issue was figuring out what these Frenchmen wanted from him.

Were they trying to imitate the "K Street" strategy from Washington?

In later generations, it was well-known that America’s methods of exerting influence were second to none. The U.S. maintained a vast network of pro-American individuals worldwide, working to advance its interests in various ways—protests, revolutions, media propaganda, and more.

But in reality, such tactics were reciprocal.

While the U.S. could influence other countries, other countries could also influence the U.S.

America’s unique system—with its numerous factions, frequent internal divisions, and sometimes adversarial relationships—made it especially susceptible to foreign influence.

The most prominent example was K Street in Washington.

Publicly known as a hub for lobbying and congressional dealings, K Street often played a significant role in shaping U.S. policy.

However, behind the scenes, it was also a hub for espionage with a distinctly American flair—everything was out in the open, like political donations.

For example, if the U.S. wanted to influence a European country, it might support local pro-American figures, manipulate media narratives, and back opposition parties, timing everything to maximize pressure and cooperation.

Conversely, if foreign entities wanted to influence the U.S., they could skip the subtleties.

They would go directly to K Street, find a relevant company or family member of a congressman serving as a board member, and strike a deal.

For instance, they might buy a few bottles of overpriced American wine for $5 million or a shipment of rotting potatoes for the same price.

It didn’t matter if the product was worthless—what mattered was the agreement. In the following months, coincidentally, certain U.S. congressmen would propose policies aligned with the interests of these buyers.

Everything would seem perfectly reasonable, legal, and distinctly American.

Not just congressmen—nearly all American capitalists and corporations had offices on K Street for such transactions.

It was all about money and mutual benefits.

Reflecting on this, Milo smirked inwardly.

I won’t be bought so easily.  

"Sophie is wonderful. I like her very much," Milo remarked casually.

After a pause, he continued, "Now then... can you tell me what exactly you want my security company to do in Africa? From what I understand, United Global’s forces are currently operating in Sierra Leone."

Milo was well aware of the status of his private security forces, as well as the current situation in Sierra Leone.

*Since declaring independence in 1961, this small African nation has never truly experienced peace.*

For over thirty years, rebellions have erupted almost every two or three years.

One rebellion ends, and another begins a few years later.

Six years ago, Foday Sankoh, a notorious global mercenary, succeeded in his rebellion. However, less than two months after seizing power, he was overthrown and retreated to the jungles in the southeastern part of the country, waging guerrilla warfare.

After two or three years of fighting, the government troops, unable to make progress, decided to negotiate, giving Sankoh a brief respite.

Sankoh returned to the capital of Sierra Leone to run for office. However, due to the atrocities he and his forces committed during the civil war—including a brutal massacre in the capital—he unsurprisingly failed in the election.

After losing, Sankoh refused to recognize the results and resumed his rebellion.

This time, Sierra Leone’s government troops learned their lesson and hired foreign mercenaries.

*The fighting capability of the local military? Well, those in the know understand.*

The hired mercenaries stayed in Sierra Leone for 21 months at a cost of $35 million, and they actually achieved some results: Sankoh’s rebel forces were crushed and driven into rural areas, reduced to holding just a few small territories.

Sankoh himself was captured and imprisoned in the capital, Freetown.

*It was under these circumstances that Sankoh’s son, who had been living in the United States, sought help from Global Union.*

In fact, throughout Sankoh’s rebellion, starting in 1991, there had always been whispers of American support behind the scenes.

After all, Sierra Leone is often regarded as part of the British and French spheres of influence.

Old Europe, unable to compete with the United States on a global scale, had redirected most of its efforts toward Africa.

Adding in rivalries with nations in the East, American influence in Africa has always been relatively weak.

After consulting military advisors—and seeking his father’s opinion—Milo led Global Union into Sierra Leone.

Within six months, Sankoh himself was killed, ironically by the original government forces.

However, with the help of mercenaries nominally hired by Global Union but effectively backed by the Pentagon and some American generals, Sankoh’s former rebel forces crushed the original government troops and their foreign mercenaries.

Today, Sankoh’s son has taken over Freetown and declared a new government.

The original government forces are now considered rebels, and the British and French mercenaries they hired have been scattered and forced to retreat.

*With Sankoh’s son effectively unifying the nation, it’s time to settle the bill.*

Sierra Leone is a poor, struggling nation; calling it impoverished would be an understatement.

The country’s foreign currency reserves are so meager they might not even be enough to purchase a small Manhattan apartment.

Money isn’t an option, but Sierra Leone is globally renowned for its natural diamond reserves.

In an era where synthetic diamonds had yet to revolutionize the market, diamonds remained highly valuable.

As payment for Global Union’s continued military support and presence, Sankoh’s son offered half of the country’s diamond mines.

However, since his government was established just two months ago, many mining areas remain under dispute.

Interestingly, most of these mines are owned by the French, as Sierra Leone’s mining regions are close to neighboring Guinea, which was a French colony until 40 years ago.

*And now, the French have entered the picture.*

"Actually," Gabriel said carefully, studying Milo, "we’re looking to hire Global Union to protect some of our diamond mining areas in Sierra Leone. The rebels overthrew the legitimate government and are now advancing toward the northern province, which happens to include our company’s mining operations."

"That’s correct," Adelaide chimed in. "In exchange, we’re willing to offer half of the mining operations' output as compensation for Global Union’s security services."

*Milo frowned. These Frenchmen were serious?*

Their offer sounded generous—half the output—but if Milo refused, all of the mines' output could potentially fall under his control.

Milo didn’t believe for a second that the French weren’t aware of this.

"Global Union doesn’t turn down good business," Milo said with a smile. Before the two could celebrate, he quickly added, "However, Global Union is an ethical company. We don’t accept new clients until the current contract has expired. If you want to hire us, you’ll need to wait until our current engagement ends."

The Frenchmen’s expressions darkened as expected.

Having learned their intentions, Milo had no interest in wasting more time with them.

*To put it plainly, the competition between the United States and France is far greater than any potential cooperation.*

Without the remnants of the Soviet Union to unify them, France would likely be the United States’ primary target in Europe.

Moreover, the Pentagon had long coveted French interests in Africa.

Unlike the United Kingdom, which was firmly aligned with the United States, France maintained a relatively independent stance. President Jacques Chirac was among the last generation of true European political elites.

For now, Milo wasn’t interested in collaborating with the French.

*Collaboration? Forget it.*

Might as well take it by force—that’s the American way.

Milo stood and left the room. Outside, Kenny approached Gabriel and Adelaide.

"Gentlemen, please leave. Oh, by the way, the CIA is waiting for you outside."

Gabriel and Adelaide exchanged a look. Gabriel sighed deeply. "Sir, I am an official from the French embassy in the United States. Before the CIA takes us away, I request a phone call."

Expressionless, Kenny waved them off, signaling that they could make the call.

*Milo hadn’t intended to outright antagonize the French, but he also had no interest in cooperating with them.*

What followed would be a contest between the CIA and the French, and Kenny knew he didn’t need to get involved.

As Milo exited the meeting room, he exhaled deeply, feeling momentarily dazed.

In just a short span of time, he had found himself entangled in a geopolitical power struggle between two nations and directly or indirectly shaping the future of a small African country.

In the past six months, tens of thousands of lives had been impacted—many born and many lost—because of him.

Standing in the lush green garden of the estate, surrounded by vibrant trees, Milo felt as though he was in a tranquil paradise.

*This is America,* he thought.

Living in luxury, enjoying peace and prosperity—but at what cost?

The price is paid in the form of war, famine, and poverty in far-off places.

*America is the planet’s vampire, feeding on the blood of others, from top to bottom.*

With a self-deprecating laugh, Milo shook his head and headed toward the living room, where his precious twin children waited.

(End of Chapter)